VDH Commissioner Dr. Cameron Webb said that Virginia families should trust the state’s decisions to be “grounded in the best available science.”

“The evidence supporting the (American Academy of Pediatrics) immunization schedule is extensive, and we remain confident that following it is one of the best ways to protect children from serious, preventable diseases,” Webb said.

�հ��ܳ���’s�� recommends all children receive immunizations for 11 diseases — measles, mumps, rubella, diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, polio, Haemophilus influenza type B, pneumococcal disease, human papillomavirus, and varicella.

It also suggests high-risk populations get vaccinated for “respiratory syncytial virus monoclonal antibodies, hepatitis A, hepatitis B, meningococcal B, meningococcal ACWY, and dengue.”

The order lists vaccines for diseases like influenza and COVID-19 as immunizations “based on shared clinical decision-making.”

The move is consistent with the Trump administration’s public statements that patients and parents should decide whether to get certain vaccines, rather than treating them as required preventive measures.

Trump’s order also calls for splitting up the combined measles, mumps and rubella — or MMR vaccine — into three separate single-disease shots administered at different times, instead of one visit.

Single-disease shots of that nature are not currently available in the U.S., White House officials acknowledged in a call with media, but they suggested private sector development could make the options available.

Measles, in particular, has been  this year, with the bulk of cases occurring in young children. Some parents have been more likely to follow anti-vaccine  and have resurfaced more recently.

When signing the order alongside Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Trump connected vaccines with autism — a scientifically unproven claim Kennedy has championed for decades amid national anti-vaccine sentiments.

While the current order still notes the importance of certain vaccines, the administration previously sought to de-emphasize the importance of childhood vaccines.

Kennedy has previously recommended against the measles vaccine but he made comments in a recent Congressional hearing and to reporters this spring that he now recommends it.

State health departments set vaccine recommendations, but the federal government could challenge states in some cases for bucking the order.

The president said that the order directs the attorney general to “advance legal challenges against states that violate children’s rights to religious or medical vaccination exemptions.”

The order expressed commitment to “protecting religious liberty and parental authority.”

A Virginian work group will meet later this month composed of healthcare workers, insurance representatives and public health officials to review the state’s statutory and regulatory frameworks for access to childhood and emergency immunizations.

In the meantime, Virginia continues to follow the  latest immunization schedule.

“VDH will continue to follow the evidence, work with trusted clinical partners, and ensure families have access to the vaccines and reliable information they need,” Webb said.

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McMahon wrote in a to leaders concerned that public trust in American higher education has “reached record lows” and asked them to publicly commit to reforms involving free speech, admissions, affordability, academic rigor, research security, and other issues.

Higher education is currently undergoing significant changes and challenges stemming from federal policy shifts engineered during McMahon’s tenure.

Virginia schools are navigating changes with student loans, college programs, accreditation, a shift to workforce-oriented education, and a federal crackdown on diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives, most notably with investigations at the University of Virginia and George Mason University.

Ross Mugler, president and CEO of the Association of Governing Boards of Universities and Colleges, said the association supports increased accountability, but stressed institutional independence is paramount.

“Many of the priorities outlined in (the) letter from the Secretary of Education reflect shared goals across higher education. How those goals are achieved, however, is the sole purview of governing boards and institutional leaders exercising their fiduciary duties in alignment with their institution’s unique mission,” said Mugler, a longtime and former governing board member at Old Dominion University.

He added that the principles of board independence, institutional autonomy and mission-driven leadership have bolstered the U.S. system of higher education.

“It is vital that we protect these principles to ensure reforms are shaped by fiduciary responsibility and the long-term interest of our institutions and their students, not by political coercion,” Mugler said.

In her missive, McMahon said university leaders across the country have recognized the need to rebuild public confidence and trust, including and , which were targeted by the federal education department for their admissions policies, DEI practices and alleged civil rights violations against certain students.

McMahon said university leadership must “seize this occasion to drive essential reforms — a process some began by adopting positions of institutional neutrality and improving policies related to campus protests.”

She asked universities to display their commitments to “rigorous teaching, pathbreaking research, and national service” on their websites by the end of the year.

“I encourage universities to respond concretely to these questions and provide full transparency to the American people,” McMahon said. “This forthright conversation with the American people is long overdue. And it is the essential first step toward rebuilding trust in the sector.”

Last spring, the Virginia Business Higher Education Council that 90% of respondents in Virginia — both Democrats and Republicans — are proud of the colleges and universities in the Commonwealth because they see a “strong connection” between the work on �վ��������Ծ���’s campuses, the prospects for the state’s economy to grow and for young people to succeed in the job market.

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, filed July 31 in the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Virginia, challenges a new provision in the  that will eliminate an exception for products containing more than 2 milligrams of tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) per package when they also contain at least 25 times as much cannabidiol (CBD).

Without that exception, consumable hemp products sold in Virginia generally may contain no more than 2 mg of total THC per package and must remain within the state’s 0.3% total THC concentration limit.

Barbara Biddle, is founder and CEO of  in Manassas and one of the plaintiffs in the case.

“It will bankrupt my business,” Biddle said in an email. “I took out loans and signed multi-year leases under this regulatory structure and won’t be able to meet my financial obligations once this goes into effect. I’m effectively facing bankruptcy and will have to lay off my entire staff.”

The lawsuit argues the restriction amounts to an unconstitutional taking of private property and violates the due process and equal protection clauses of the U.S. Constitution. The businesses are seeking temporary and permanent injunctions, damages, attorney fees and a declaration that the restriction is unconstitutional.

Gov. Abigail Spanberger, Attorney General Jay Jones, state agriculture and cannabis regulators and the commonwealth’s attorneys in the localities where the businesses operate are named as defendants.

Businesses say transition leaves little time

Virginia businesses Nova Hemp & Agriculture, Redfern Hemp Co., Pure Elkton Manufacturing, Cypress Hemp II, Wellness Warriors and Simply Hemp are also part of the suit.

They argue Virginia encouraged investment under its existing regulatory system, but then changed the rules without providing a transition period, allowing businesses to sell existing inventory or offering compensation.

According to the lawsuit, the businesses received formal notice on July 6 that the exception would be eliminated, leaving about 40 days to reformulate products, redesign packaging, renegotiate manufacturing agreements and dispose of inventory that would no longer qualify for sale.

Biddle said any products remaining after this week’s deadline “will have to be destroyed; we won’t get any compensation or relief that I know of.”

According to the complaint, District Hemp has about $10,000 in affected inventory and more than $181,000 in outstanding obligations to creditors. The company has already reduced staff and expects to terminate the lease for its Leesburg store, the filing says.

Other plaintiffs describe even larger losses.

Cypress Hemp says products affected by the change account for about 95% of its revenue.  of Caroline County estimates losses between $110,000 and $115,000, while Simply Hemp says restrictions could cost it roughly $225,000 in revenue this year and force the closure of its Collinsville store.

“By compelling an immediate, involuntary forfeiture of existing hemp products and assets, the enforcement of the new law creates instant economic and financial damages to plaintiffs,” the complaint states.

Travis Lane, operations manager at Nova Hemp in Middletown, said the company spent the last year and a half preparing to distribute beverages statewide and now has products that may become unsellable under the new restrictions.

“I have pallets of lemonade for example that will become a sitting duck,” Lane said in an email. “We are trying to figure out how to keep our staff on board because they are trained and it’s a big investment for companies to train employees. We don’t know what to do with them.”

Virginia adopted its current hemp framework in 2023 through  sponsored by then-Sen. Emmett Hanger, a Republican from Augusta County. The law established the 2-mg limit and the 25-to-1 exception while requiring child-resistent packaging, independent laboratory testing, warning labels and a minimum purchase age of 21.

Biddle disputed the state’s argument that eliminating the exception is necessary to protect children, saying the industry already operates under strict safeguards.

“This is not about safety – this is about corporate consolidation,” Biddle said, “Businesses invested millions of dollars into this industry just to be shut out without any formal hearings about the redefinition.”

State says regulated cannabis market will replace current system 

Virginia officials argue intoxicating hemp products have proliferated in , convenience stores and other retailers that are not subjected to the rules governing licensed marijuana dispensaries.

Only 60 acres of hemp were harvested in the commonwealth in 2025, according to the Governor’s Office, leaving the state largely dependent on products imported from elsewhere. Shifting state and federal policies have left hemp growers and retailers navigating an uncertain market.

A Spanberger spokesman said last week some businesses have exploited the gap between �վ��������Ծ���’s hemp and marijuana laws.

“For years, untested and highly-intoxicating products have flooded Virginia with little oversight, inadequate protections for kids and teenagers, and few tools for law enforcement to address the illicit market — all because of a loophole in state law that bad faith actors have exploited and pushed the limit of its intended use,” the spokesman said.

He said �վ��������Ծ���’s adult-use cannabis market will replace that system with a regulated framework designed to better protect consumers while creating new opportunities for small businesses and producers.

Under the budget approved in late June, recreational marijuana sales are  July 1, 2027. The  will oversee the market and regulate hemp products under the new system.

�վ��������Ծ����� adult possession and home cultivation of marijuana in 2021 but did not establish legal retail sales. Previous efforts to create a recreational market either stalled in the General Assembly or  before lawmakers and Spanberger reached a budget agreement this year.

Chelsea Higgs Wise, executive director of Marijuana Justice, said Virginia risks repeating mistakes it made after legalizing marijuana possession, when consumers, businesses, local governments and law enforcement were left with little guidance about what the new law meant.

“No matter when hemp law changes occur, educating the public on these changes and their impact on consumers remains vital,” Higgs Wise said. “Since a replacement market for products with more than 2 mg of THC will not be available until July 1 of next year, the commonwealth urgently requires more comprehensive guidance.”

She said that the state also needs to explain what businesses should do with products they cannot legally sell after Aug. 15 and help communities prepare for the possibility that some products move into the illicit market.

“A true public health approach should incorporate a micro-plan allowing business owners to clear their inventory over a set period, strategies for parents and communities to monitor the illicit market, and widespread public education to ensure overall consumer safety,” Higgs Wise said.

Jones said he is prepared to defend the new retail market once it is set up.

“This new law creates clear standards for business participation in the marketplace, and sets up enforcement mechanisms to address the illicit market and protect consumers from dangerous products,” Jones said in a text message. “My office stands ready to defend this law that will keep Virginians safe.”

But the businesses argue the new standard focuses on the total amount of THC in a package without considering  its concentration, serving size and intoxicating effect. They also contend the state will treat THC products differently depending on whether they are sold by a hemp business or through the coming licensed marijuana market.

“It doesn’t make sense that in 11 months a consumer will be able to buy a 100-mg, 12-ounce drink of THC with 10 servings in it, and right now a 12-ounce, 10-mg drink with 250 mg of CBD in it will be illegal,” Lane said. “The state of Virginia already has a group of responsible business owners that could help them start up the entire market for them. It didn’t need to be a blackout.”

States take different approaches

States have responded in different ways to the growth of intoxicating hemp products since the  legalized hemp containing no more than 0.3% delta-9 THC by dry weight.

California imposed emergency regulations in 2024 prohibiting food, beverages and dietary supplements containing detectable THC or other intoxicating cannabinoids. State officials  inspectors found nearly universal compliance after visiting more than 11,000 businesses.

Minnesota instead , allowing hemp-derived beverages and edibles containing up to 5 mg of THC per serving and 50 mg per package, along with age restrictions and testing, labeling and packaging requirements.

Texas, however, took a more restrictive path. A prohibition on delta-9 and other THC isomers took effect this summer after the Supreme Court of Texas upheld regulators’ authority to  classify delta-8 .

Separate from the Virginia dispute, federal rules are also poised to tighten.

Last year, President Donald Trump signed a government funding measure  hemp and, beginning Nov. 12, limits finished hemp-derived cannabinoid products to 0.4 mg of total THC per container — well below �վ��������Ծ���’s new 2-mg cap. The change is expected to remove the most intoxicating hemp products from the federally legal market.

Since signing the measure, however, Trump has called on Congress  to full-spectrum CBD products and directed his administration to work with lawmakers on revising the federal definition of hemp.

The Virginia businesses are asking the court to preserve the 25-to-1 exception while the case proceeds. Biddle said an injunction would give lawmakers time to either reconsider restrictions or determine whether affected businesses should be compensated.

“We are hoping that a judge will rule the law change unconstitutional,” she said. “If an injunction is granted, it will buy us time and allow lawmakers a chance to either figure out just compensation for the industry or reevaluate the removal of the 25:1 ratio altogether. I’m leaning towards the latter.”

For Lane, the immediate request is more time for businesses to adjust before the new limit takes effect.

“We seriously would prefer an official transition period,” he said.

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Gov. Abigail Spanberger is stepping directly into the regulatory fight over the of Dominion Energy to Florida-based NextEra Energy, becoming the first Virginia governor to formally intervene in a case before the State Corporation Commission.

Spanberger that she will seek intervenor status in the case, giving her administration the ability to question both companies, review documents and argue for conditions related to customer electric bills, Virginia jobs and the state’s energy future.

“The action of actually formally intervening, it is an unprecedented one as a governor, I do acknowledge that,” Spanberger told reporters during a Zoom call Thursday afternoon. “But frankly, the size and scope of this merger application is also unprecedented.”

Spanberger said she decided to intervene after reviewing the companies’ application and hearing from Virginians concerned about what the transaction could mean for the commonwealth. If approved, the deal would place �վ��������Ծ���’s largest regulated electric utility under the ownership of an out-of-state company.

The move does not give the governor the authority to approve, reject or rewrite the merger. Those decisions remain with the SCC, the independent regulatory body responsible for determining whether the transaction serves public interest.

“The decision to approve or deny, or potentially put a whole new set of parameters in place or offer a whole new set of parameters of a potential deal to Dominion and NextEra, that authority still lies with the SCC,” Spanberger said.

But intervening will allow her administration to submit questions and raise concerns that Dominion and NextEra must answer as the commission reviews the proposal, she said, a process that’s now underway with regulators expected to approve or reject the deal in about six months.

Other individuals and organizations may also seek intervenor status.

What Spanberger wants from the deal 

Spanberger first disclosed her plans Thursday morning published in The Washington Post, writing that she is “deeply skeptical” that selling �վ��������Ծ���’s primary regulated electric utility to an out-of-state company would benefit the commonwealth.

“I have serious questions about what this deal would mean for us,” Spanberger wrote. “And as governor, I intend to get answers and be a voice for Virginians in the process.”

On the afternoon Zoom call, she said she’ll judge the process by three key questions: Whether it lowers customers’ electric bills, protects Virginia jobs and keeps the state moving toward reliable, locally produced clean energy.

Any approval, she said, should include a “substantial financial benefit” for customers. Rising electricity costs remain one of the most common concerns she hears from Virginians, she said.

She also said that protecting Dominion’s Virginia-based workforce — from lineworkers across the state to employees at the company’s headquarters in Richmond — will be central to her review.

Spanberger is also seeking assurances that a combined company would continue investing in projects already underway, including Dominion’s off the coast of Virginia Beach.

“Virginia is home to the largest offshore wind development that we are seeing on the East Coast,” she said. “That’s a point of pride for many Virginians, and any company that might be inclined towards buying Dominion Energy would have to ensure that they also prioritize extraordinary investments, but extraordinary projects like that one.”

Dominion and NextEra with the SCC on July 15, formally launching the commission’s review.

Under the all-stock agreement, NextEra shareholders would own 74.5% of the combined company, while Dominion shareholders would own the remaining 25.5%.

The merger would create the nation’s largest electric utility, serving roughly 10 million customers in Virginia, Florida, North Carolina and South Carolina. Together, the companies would control about 110 gigawatts of generating capacity and a large-load interconnection queue totalling another 130 gigawatts.

The companies have proposed $2.25 billion in shareholder-funded bill credits for customers across Dominion’s three-state service territory. Those credits are intended to offset merger-related costs for two years, although whether customers would see additional long-term savings remains unclear.

The transaction also requires approval from regulators in North Carolina and South Carolina, along with the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission and the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.

Last month, Republican Sen. David Suetterlein of Salem and Del. Joe McNamara of Roanoke County called for to consider extending �վ��������Ծ���’s review period. They argued the state could lose negotiating leverage if its regulators act before officials in other states complete their reviews.

Both lawmakers renewed their call following Spanberger’s announcement Thursday, arguing that her intervention alone would not give regulators enough time to scrutinize the deal.

“Adding another party to a rushed decision doesn’t help �վ��������Ծ���’s working families,” they said in a joint statement, calling the governor’s plan “improvised and constitutionally uncertain” while noting that the SCC would still have fewer than 180 days to review what they described as the largest proposed utility merger in U.S. history.

Suetterlein and McNamara said Spanberger’s “best and plainest lawful option” is to call lawmakers back to Richmond to extend the review period, an approach they said has support from Republican and Democratic legislators, a former Republican governor and .

Linking the merger to affordability

Spanberger said Thursday her merger review fits into her effort to hold down energy costs, pointing to more than a dozen energy-related laws she signed this year.

Among them is a new intended to ensure data centers shoulder more of the costs associated with their enormous demand for electricity.

Her announcement came a day after the SCC to develop a new rate structure that would shift more of the cost for future transmission infrastructure onto data centers and large-load customers requiring those upgrades.

Spanberger’s administration had urged the commission to avoid placing those costs on residential ratepayers.

Dominion has more than 200 transmission projects planned or under construction as it expands �վ��������Ծ���’s electric grid to meet demand from the state’s more than 600 data centers.

Spanberger said she expects to formally intervene in the coming days before submitting questions and other filings for the SCC to consider.

“For me, the priority is to be able to build upon the work that I have been doing as it relates to energy affordability,” she said.

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The State Corporation Commission Dominion Energy to develop a policy to directly assign the cost of transmission and other large-load users that  connect to the facilities, “with the goal of finding an acceptable and symmetrical approach towards assigning costs in these circumstances.”

In the latest that covers the cost to build the transmission lines and substations, the company argued that data centers and other companies in their class should have to shoulder more of the cost of the power infrastructure that is necessary only to power their facilities.

In a rare move, Gov. Abigail Spanberger’s administration weighed in on the case, with officials stating that data centers should be paying their “fair share,” and that residential customers shouldn’t have to pay for power infrastructure solely used by data centers.

“Any network or substation upgrades that would not have been triggered but for a large load customer should be assigned directly to that customer, shielding regular Virginia families from subsidizing commercial extension,” Deputy Chief Energy Officer Louise White testified during a hearing in July.

In the final order, the commission recognized that even  the possible new tariff  “may not address all instances in which a utility may incur transmission related costs to address transmission system reliability criteria violations that appear to be directly caused by the addition of one or more large-load customers.”

Dominion has reported 203 transmission projects in its grid connection pipeline, according to the company’s 2024 integrated resource plan.

Environmental groups cheered state regulators’ move this week.

“The decision establishes an important precedent: Virginia families and small businesses should not subsidize transmission infrastructure built solely to connect new large-load data centers,” said Chris Miller, president of the Piedmont Environmental Council, one of the intervening parties in the case.

The forthcoming Valley Link transmission line is an example of a project which, in the future, could be “directly assigned to the GS-5 rate class” or other alternatives, commissioners also said.

The regional grid operator allowed Dominion and other utilities to develop plans for the 115-mile, 765 kilovolt transmission line that is anticipated to stretch from Lynchburg to Culpeper to push more power to Northern Virginia, where most of the state’s data centers are concentrated.

“This order — which is projected to save Virginians hundreds of millions of dollars — makes sure that data centers are paying the full cost of the transmission infrastructure their developments require,” Spanberger said in a statement.

The governor pledged to work with state lawmakers in future legislative sessions to ensure data centers “pay their fair share, adhere to strict environmental standards, and listen to the concerns of local communities.”

Dominion asked the commission to recover $1.5 billion, which would translate to about a $.94 monthly increase for the average customer. The company originally asked for a $2.90 monthly increase but recalculated its formula to levy more costs onto data centers and factored in the new high-load user GS5 rate class that established a 85% transmission demand rate.

It is not clear when the SCC will rule on the new transmission tariff for data centers and what the exact savings for residential customers will be.

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The sales tax holiday starts Aug. 7 at 12:01 a.m. and ends Aug. 9 at 11:59 p.m., and could save consumers 5.3% to 7% on total costs. The Virginia Department of Taxation provides  that qualify as sales tax-free during the holiday.

What items are eligible?

• Qualified school supplies — $20 or less per item
• Qualified clothing and footwear — $100 or less per item

Hurricane and emergency preparedness products

• Portable generators — $1,000 or less per item
• Gas-powered chain saws — $350 or less per item
• Chain saw accessories — $60 or less per item
• Other specified hurricane preparedness items — $60 or less per item

Energy Star and WaterSense products

Qualifying Energy Star or WaterSense products purchased for noncommercial home or personal use — $2,500 or less per item

Consumers nationwide spend an average of $293 on electronics, $250 on clothing and accessories, $174 on shoes and $146 on school supplies to prepare for their children to head back to class, according to a  by the National Retail Federation.

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Robert Rigby Jr., a longtime educator and advocate for LGBTQ+ students, said after the leader of conservative political action committee Virginia Project posted unfounded accusations that he was a child sex predator online, his students’ interest in the Latin course he teaches wavered.

“When rumors started spreading that kids didn’t even take my class because these things were being said … that’s always every teacher’s fear,” . “It’s always every gay teacher’s fear.”

The students’ reaction emphasized that the remarks weren’t simply harsh opinions, Rigby said, but false statements that carry consequential weight.

Across the country, social media campaigns targeting educators have been on the rise, including in and , amid contentious school board politics that test the legal boundaries of free speech and defamation.

Rigby and the other plaintiff, Vanessa Hall, who are both active in Fairfax County Public Schools committees and advocacy, alleged that defendant David Gordon, founder of the Virginia Project, used his X account to publish false and malicious statements that damaged their personal and professional reputations.

The case

�վ��������Ծ���’s law was central to the case, highlighting the legal limits of false speech, the civil liability it can create, and the policy gaps it exposes for people — including teachers — when the legal requirements are met.

Jason Zellman, the attorney who represented Hall and Rigby, said that Virginia has laws that protect opinions and silence criticism with the anti-SLAPP defense. Still, he says, accusatory public statements must have a factual basis.

“And in this case… we had very declarative, actual statements that these individuals were child sex predators. They were part of a ‘grooming gang.’ They were part of a ‘child abduction scheme,’” Zellman said, quoting Gordon’s claims. “There was no qualifying language, and more importantly, there was no evidence at all, zero, to back up any of these statements.”

In their complaints, Rigby also alleged Gordon labeled him and Hall as “notorious child sex perverts” with “free run of FCPS.”

Hall said Gordon mischaracterized her as an “employed crazy person with zero qualifications” who was given inappropriate access to children. The claims that she was involved in sexual crimes against children disturbed her the most, she said.

“As a parent, as a Girl Scout leader, as a Sunday school teacher, as an advocate for children’s safety, that is frankly the worst thing you could say about anyone,” Hall said.

A year after the complaints were filed, juries in both cases ruled in favor of Hall and Rigby, awarding $700,000 and $350,000, respectively.

Zellman said he is preparing for an expected appeal by Gordon.

Policy reform

Rigby and Hall’s case drew attention to the state’s policy gaps concerning defamation, especially around punitive damages and fee recovery.

Zellman and Hall argued that �վ��������Ծ���’s legal framework still tilts unfairly against defamed teachers because the state’s anti-SLAPP law can require plaintiffs to pay the other side’s legal bills if they lose.

The state’s punitive damages cap was set at $350,000 in the late 1980s in such cases, and standards on jury award limits, even for egregious cases, haven’t been updated since then.

“It just doesn’t seem appropriate,” Hall said.

Zellman added that if the court had instead found the statements made by Gordon and the Virginia Project were an expression of opinion, didn’t rise to the level of defamation, or were speech protected by the First Amendment, they could become liable for the defendant’s costs and attorneys’ fees.

“What I think is a shortcoming in the law is that … there’s not a similar reciprocal provision that if Robert and Vanessa prevail, as they did in this case, that they get their attorneys’ fees and costs reimbursed,” Zellman said. “And I do think it would provide both an incentive and caution for any party … that you have to be pretty sure about your position.”

Tips for educators

Attorney Jason Zellman offered several practical points for teachers and parents who become targets of defamatory online attacks.

First, he said, preserve evidence immediately.

“When these statements are made about you, and especially in the world of social media that we live in now, capturing those statements before they’re gone is number one to preserve evidence,” Zellman said. “People can delete their tweets, remove Instagram posts, whatever it may be, and so having that evidence is important.”

He also recommended teachers understand their legal rights and what constitutes free speech. Educators should seek legal advice.

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The 66,085 Virginians whose rights have been restored may now vote, serve on juries, run for public office and become notaries public. The announcement comes about seven weeks before early voting begins for the 2026 midterm elections, which include a constitutional referendum that could largely remove Virginia governors from the restoration process.

“The right to vote is foundational to who we are as Americans. As a member of Congress, as a candidate for governor, and in the months since I took office, I have heard from many Virginians who have shared their personal stories of redemption with me — and heartfelt reflections of the moment their voting rights were restored by previous governors,” Spanberger said in a statement.

Virginia is one of just three states whose constitutions permanently disenfranchise people convicted of felonies unless the governor restores their rights. The state constitution gives governors broad discretion over both eligibility and the restoration process.

Governors of both parties streamlined the process over the decade before former Gov. Glenn Youngkin took office in 2022.

Republican Gov. Bob McDonnell began expanding restorations, a policy later accelerated by Democratic Govs. Terry McAuliffe and Ralph Northam. McAuliffe restored the rights to  during his term, while Northam restored the rights to more than 126,000.

But in 2016, the Supreme Court of �վ��������Ծ����� executive orders from McAuliffe that sought to broadly restore civil rights to approximately 206,000 people who had completed their prison sentences and supervised release. The court ruled that governors must consider each case individually rather than issue blanket restorations.

�۴dzܲԲ��쾱���� the state’s streamlined process, requiring people with felony convictions to apply individually to regain their rights.

Although his administration said every application would receive an individualized review, Democrats and voting rights advocates  of restorations and the lack of publicly disclosed criteria.

Spanberger’s administration said it has restored both the application review process and proactive outreach to identify eligible Virginians. Officials also removed questions added during the Youngkin era that they described as “unnecessary.”

Secretary of the Commonwealth Candi Mundon King said her office reviews every restoration individually while working with law enforcement agencies to verify eligibility.

“Today is an important day for the commonwealth and the more than 66,000 Virginians who now have their voting rights restored — in many cases, after waiting multiple years for a fair review,” Mundon King said in a statement.

“Over the past six months, our work has been guided by Governor Spanberger’s deep belief that Virginians who served their time deserve their civil rights. That is why our team reviews every individual who has their voting rights restored, working with our law enforcement partners to make sure we get it right.”

Meanwhile, thousands of voter registration applications from Virginians with certain past felony convictions  as of June while the state worked to comply with a federal court order changing its registration process.

It was not immediately clear how many of those applicants, if any, are included in the 66,085 rights restorations announced Friday.

The referendum set to go before voters Nov. 3 would amend the state Constitution to automatically restore voting rights to people convicted of felonies once they are released from incarceration, largely removing governors from the restoration process.

The amendment cleared the General Assembly in two consecutive sessions, separated by the 2025 legislative election as required for constitutional changes. Lawmakers approved it for a second time during the 2026 legislative session, and Spanberger  in February, placing it and other proposed amendments on the November ballot.

Similar proposals have surfaced repeatedly over the decades, although Virginia voters  by 63% to 37%. That measure would have allowed for civil rights to be restored under new rules established in state law.

But more recent polling has shown greater support for a more sweeping change. A 2025  found that 63% of registered voters supported or strongly supported automatically restoring voting rights to people who have completed their prison sentences.

Civil rights advocates have also n of �վ��������Ծ���’s felony disenfranchisement provision, which dates back to the state’s 1901-02 constitutional convention, where white political leaders adopted voting rights restrictions intended to suppress Black political participation.

“This fall, voters can cast their ballots for Virginia to no longer strip so many of our neighbors of their fundamental rights — a shameful relic of our Jim Crow past,” Spanberger said Friday. “I hope Virginians will join me in voting yes.”

House Speaker Don Scott, D-Portsmouth, whose civil rights  by McDonnell after a federal drug conviction, thanked Spanberger for ending what he called “the restoration of rights gridlock” of the last four years.

“Today’s action is an important step forward, but it cannot be the final step,” Scott said. “A future governor should never be able to reverse a fundamental right with the stroke of a pen.”

He urged Virginians to support the proposed constitutional amendment in November, saying voting rights should no longer be subject to changing governors or political administrations.

Early voting begins Sept. 18, with Election Day set for Nov. 3.

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“The community has basically been begging us to do something about the unchecked growth of data centers,” County Supervisor Juli Briskman said Thursday. “The communities have been asking us to fight back against these big corporations that have basically been able to run roughshod over the county.”

Briskman asked the board to have county staff draft a plan for what a data center pause would entail. The county is currently revisiting its comprehensive plan zoning ordinances regarding data center permitting and zoning.

Phase one of the review process concluded in the spring of 2025. Following that review, supervisors removed “by-right” permitting for data centers and moved it to a conditional use permit application that allows for more public input into the process.

In the second phase of the ordinance review, supervisors will examine existing standards for data centers and utility substations in the zoning ordinance, Briskman said.

From there, they will determine if amendments are necessary to minimize community impacts while ensuring operational functionality. Briskman said they will also “evaluate provisions related to onsite power generation and energy storage, (and) noise parking standards.”

She suggested data center applications pause while review of potential amendments to the comprehensive plan is underway. This would mean no new applications would be considered for months.

“I decided it was time that we actually just pumped the brakes, listened to the community, and just put a pause on all of it until we can get our arms around some of these other standards that we’ve been working on,” Briskman said.

Loudoun is not the only locality considering this sort of move.

Leaders in for the industry and are temporarily pausing new applications for data centers while they work through those changes.

The town of Front Royal is from all of their zoning districts.

The city of Chesapeake voted to delay their review of applications for eight months.

“We should use this pause to ensure that the City’s ordinance ultimately protects communities from toxic air pollution and not accept half-measures that allow the burning of on-site diesel and gas,” Michelle Ueltschi with the Chesapeake Climate Action Fund said in a statement following the city’s vote.

“This decision can serve as a model for other localities and state lawmakers to hit pause on data center development until proper regulations are put in place to protect communities.” she added.

Localities’ considerations of these changes reflect a desire to slow down the development of data centers and pass meaningful regulations around siting, noise, backup generators, water use, and other concerns that communities across the commonwealth have brought up in public hearings.

Virginia does not have statewide data center siting regulations. It’s up to local governments to make their own ordinances and decisions for individual projects.

The data center industry has contributed an estimated $2.7 billion in state and local tax revenue in 2024, Data Center Coalition representatives said previously. The facilities rake in millions in tax dollars for the localities that house them.

Loudoun County, for example, has been able to reduce its property taxes because of how much tax revenue they take in from data centers.

“There’s no doubt that we’ve been able to do things like fully fund our schools, put millions of dollars into our housing fund. We built a crisis receiving center for $16 million in two years,” Briskman said.

The risks residents say data centers pose aren’t outweighed by the money, she said.

”But the problem is that the community is not seeing a balance. They aren’t seeing a balance against what they view as negative impacts of the data center industry.”

Briskman added that the county has “become fiscally over reliant on data centers” and said it is time to diversify the county’s economy.

The Loudoun County Board of Supervisors will take up the motion at the Sept. 15 meeting.

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Chief Energy Officer Josephus Allmond, Secretary of Commerce and Trade Carrie Chenery and Department of Energy representatives have been across the state to gather input on how the administration can shape its policies and how Virginia can meet its net-zero clean energy mark.

“It’s really just designed to basically provide a 10-year roadmap looking at how we’re going to hit the  across all sectors,” Allmond said.

A public meeting will be held in Petersburg on Aug. 3 at the public library at 5:30 pm. Comments submitted at the meeting, along with responses gathered through an online survey, will be considered as the administration drafts the plan.

“But our energy future should not — must not — just be written in Richmond,” Gov. Abigail Spanberger said in a news release. “I want to hear from Virginians across every corner of the commonwealth, and I encourage everyone who pays an energy bill in Virginia to make their voice heard.”

In addition to public input, the governor’s plan is developed in consultation with the State Corporation Commission, the Department of Environmental Quality and other state agencies.

Spanberger is aiming to address high energy costs as demand for power continues to grow across the commonwealth. She has touted an “all of the above” energy strategy that includes renewable sources such as solar and wind, while also expressing interest in small modular reactors and maintaining fossil fuel sources when needed.

To offset carbon emissions from natural gas generation, Spanberger pushed for and secured �վ��������Ծ���’s return to the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, a multi-state carbon allowance auction.

Unlike the Integrated Resource Plan that utilities must submit to the SCC outlining how they intend to build enough infrastructure to meet projected demand, the governor’s plan offers more flexibility in determining how to achieve the net-zero target established in state law, Allmond said.

Under the Virginia Clean Economy Act, the state’s major utilities are also mandated to retire their carbon-emitting power sources by 2050, with some exceptions to maintain grid reliability.

“The IRP is not strictly on getting to net zero by 2045. There’s still work arounds in the Clean Economy Act, and so they’ve been relying on that reliability exception,” Allmond said. “That doesn’t really exist here, and so, this is really showing ways to get to net zero.”

The final report on the 2026 energy plan will be released Oct. 1.

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The 8th Congressional District’s Democratic primary represents a fissure between the party’s candidates and voters, who are united in a mission to wrest control of Congress from Republicans, block President Donald Trump’s priorities and make life more affordable for citizens — but disagree on how to achieve those goals.

The Democratic Party has hit unprecedented lows in popularity since former Vice President Kamala Harris’ loss in 2024, according to . Trump is also less popular than ever with a .

As primary day approaches on Aug. 4, one politics expert said results in the 8th District, a Democratic stronghold anchored in Northern Virginia, could serve as a bellwether for what the party’s voters might go for this fall, in 2028 and beyond.

Dunigan, Seifeldein and Duffin run against the ‘establishment’ 

Beyer’s opposition is split between four opponents: former CIA case officer Adam Dunigan, former Alexandria city councilman and Department of Labor attorney Mo Seifeldein, former State Department employee Michael Duffin and Stafford County school teacher Lorena Bruner.

Seifelden said Beyer has been too “passive” against Trump and does not understand the daily struggles families are going through.

Beyer is one of the richest members of Congress with an of over $120 million. Seifelden, on the other hand, came to Virginia as a refugee from war-torn Sudan and worked at McDonald’s to make ends meet.

Seifelden has repeatedly criticized the Democratic “establishment,” , which typically remains neutral during primaries, for allegedly campaigning for Beyer. Seifelden has pushed for his party to move in a more progressive, innovative direction.

“We need someone who’s going to lead the party and make sure it’s actually an incubator for new ideas,” Seifelden said in an interview.

Duffin juxtaposed his experience cleaning cars as a teenager to Beyer’s car dealership business that is the source of his wealth. He does not see Beyer as someone who truly represents him.

Duffin worries that Beyer, 76, will keep running for reelection and eventually hand his seat over to a political ally, without a competitive primary.

Duffin pointed to , in which the late U.S. Rep. Gerry Connolly’s seat was won by his former chief of staff, Rep. James Walkinshaw.

“The person who has the connection to (Beyer) will be the heir apparent, and they will accept a bunch of corporate PAC money, and they’ll build this juggernaut of a campaign war chest that will make it hard for anyone else to defeat them,” Duffin said.

Dunigan has made Beyer’s age a point of critique, and in a July 1 candidate forum decried establishment Democrats for refusing to make way for the younger generation.

“As long as you have somebody in office who’s pushing 80 years old and has more money than God, every kid who’s graduating college right now and can’t find a job is going to look up and give up on the system,” Dunnigan said in an interview.

‘Corporate PAC money’

Bruner has focused on beating back Trump. But Seifelden, Duffin and Dunigan have attacked Beyer for taking “corporate PAC money” and trading stocks while in Congress.

Seifeldein mentioned Beyer taking $5,000 this cycle from HCA Healthcare, which opposes the  single-payer health care proposal Medicare for All.

Dunigan noted that Beyer regularly accepts thousands of dollars from defense contractors like Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman, both of which have offices in the 8th District.

Dunigan, Seifeldein and Duffin have raised $247,639, $156,987 and $35,184 this cycle respectively — figures dwarfed compared to Beyer’s $2,086,519, according to the . Bruner has not reported her campaign finances.

Beyer has pushed back against his opponents’ criticisms, flatly rejecting the idea that the way he votes in Congress is influenced by who gives him money.

While he supports reforming campaign finance laws and banning Congressional stock trading, Beyer said that as long as the government cannot restrict corporate funding in politics, refusing to take certain donations would put Democrats at disadvantage.

“It’s insane to unilaterally disarm,” Beyer said.

Beyer also argued that disallowing corporate PAC money would also bar money from unions and other advocacy groups, as they are all regulated the same way.

Beyer said he uses nearly all of his campaign money, with the exception of paying his staff, to support other Democrats.

“Only Nancy Pelosi has raised and given away more money in the last 11 years than I have, of all the Democrats in the House,” Beyer said.

“By the way, an awful lot of people out there who don’t accept PAC money are perfectly happy to accept my $14,000 every two years, much of which is PAC money,” he continued.

Beyer defends his experience, legislative priorities

Beyer said what’s missing from his opponents’ critiques is an understanding that “the ability to get things done (in Congress) is based on the quality of relationships, and relationships don’t happen” instantly.

His decade of relationship-building and legislating at the federal level equips him to advance solutions to key issues, Beyer added.

While Beyer’s opponents are running on ideas like Medicare for All and abolishing Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the six-term congressman’s top priorities include nuclear energy production, bolstering mental health resources and regulating artificial intelligence.

Beyer does not plan to stay for a “30-year career,” but he is eager to help Democrats take back control of Congress this November.

“I have this bundle of things that are just ready to get votes on the House floor and to pass, and I certainly wouldn’t want to walk away without trying to make sure that we get them done,” Beyer said.

Being able to tackle long-term issues that will impact people for generations, Beyer added, is the “most fulfilling” job he has ever had.

“I don’t think the seat belongs to me,” Beyer said. “I don’t think I deserve the seat. I work really hard at it, but I do think it’s my responsibility to compete for it every two years.”

‘The Democratic Party is a community’

Most of Beyer’s opponents have criticized the direction of the Democratic Party and its national leadership, but Beyer believes his camp is serving as effective opposition to the Trump administration.

Seifelden in particular said he would not vote for Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, D-New York, to be the next speaker of the House, as he has “failed” to support progressive policies and candidates for Congress.

Beyer said Jeffries has effectively communicated how “extreme” the Republican Party has become under Trump and contrasted his style with that of Republicans’ highest leaders.

“He’s done a very good job of holding the 213 to 215 of us together,” Beyer said. “Poor Mike Johnson has been abysmal at holding his team together. There’s constant chaos.”

The 2028 presidential election will define a new standard for the party, Beyer predicted. He named former Secretary of Transportation , Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-New York, and Sen. Jon Ossoff, D-Georgia, as prominent communicators and likely contenders.

Beyer himself was an for president in 2020.

A recent informal straw poll conducted by Arlington Democrats — an area which makes up nearly one-third of the 8th District — showed Ocasio-Cortez and Buttigieg having the most support among presidential hopefuls.

“There’s certain frustration that the Democratic Party is not a corporation that can meet and come out with a new message,” Beyer said. “You know, we are very decentralized. The Democratic Party is a community, like a mosaic of hundreds of thousands of people who care deeply about these issues and are communicating in their own way.”

8th District results will signal how Democrats are shifting, Keena says

, a political science professor at Virginia Commonwealth University, said the 8th District primary contest is reflective of divisions happening within the Democratic Party across the country.

Democrats like Beyer tend to stay in power for a long time with more name recognition and cash on hand, Keena explained, which could cement Beyer as the party’s nominee for his district.

However, timing is on the challengers’ side, as disarray under Trump has fatigued voters, especially in left-leaning districts, and made them more open to new ideas beyond returning to the status quo.

Age is another factor that could work in the newcomers’ favor, Keena said.

The average American legislator’s age is very advanced when compared to other democracies across the world, according to Keena.

“We have a very old congress,” Keena said. “This is really relevant when you think about all the major issues we’re dealing with like social media, privacy, AI.”

Keena said corporate money is a real concern Beyer must address. While Democrats have turned to courting Wall Street since the Supreme Court’s Citizens United v. FEC decision, the last 15 years of results have shown more money does not necessarily help them win.

“Democratic voters are realizing that by taking money from corporations and corporate interests, they end up weakening their appeal to the masses because they kind of lose their identity,” Keena said.

Because Virginia Democrats’ shuffled around election dates in the state this year, Keena expects a lower voter turnout, which could put Beyer’s challengers at a disadvantage.

“I think we have to understand that this is not just about this election,” Keena said. “If the challengers can even come close to knocking Beyer off, even if they scare him, this will still send a message about how the party is shifting.”

Early voting in Virginia ends on August 1. about the candidates and issues in �վ��������Ծ���’s key primary races.

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State and federal laws require all students to take state assessments, unless they qualify for a specific exemption, to demonstrate proficiency in specific subjects before graduating. Virginia began modernizing its Standards of Learning assessments (SOLs) in 2022 and this year, lawmakers advanced legislation to continue the effort.

On Monday, the agency  it issued a , or an invitation to compete for a job, to vendors, to develop and modernize the next SOLs assessment ahead of its current vendor’s contract end in 2027. This comes after an  over carryover funding last fall.

“After years of delay, preparing and releasing this RFP has been a top priority for the department over the last six months,” Superintendent of Public Instruction Jenna Conway said in a statement on Monday.

She said the agency appreciates all the work from multiple community and education groups and looks forward to a fair and competitive process — the first since 2005 — that delivers a “modernized, high-quality assessment system to support the academic progress of �վ��������Ծ���’s students.”

The criteria for the new assessment reflect  from workgroups of families, teachers, school leaders and experts including Sen. Schuyler VanValkenburg, D-Henrico, and Alan Seibert, a member of the Innovative Assessment Workgroup and former Board of Education member.

Both said in a statement that the selection of a new assessment system vendor is an opportunity to modernize testing, improve support for students and educators and ensure public funds are used effectively.

“The General Assembly has made a modernized assessment system a priority, and this RFP will be the foundation for selecting a partner that effectively uses public funds to create assessments that foster high standards, measure vital skills and knowledge, provide actionable information, are transparent, and ensure students reach their full potential,” VanValkenburg said.

Seibert added that “For Virginia to continue supporting excellent teaching and learning in every classroom, the commonwealth’s assessment system must be modernized.”

The agency said in an announcement that the new assessment system will include “more modern, accessible, and rigorous tests,” providing more timely information to educators, principals and families.

The assessments will include questions aligned with “higher academic standards,” items to evaluate and raise students’ critical thinking skills, and features and accommodations customized specifically for English learners and students with disabilities.

For teachers and families, the assessment will also provide more timely, better-quality information to support student success, according to the announcement. The assessments will also provide practice test items for teachers.

Cost, what’s next

According to the  to lawmakers, Virginia estimates the new testing system could cost $30 million to $38 million per year, less than the current contract of about $46.5 million per year.

The final cost is uncertain and could be higher depending on factors like how many students need to retake tests, how much new test material must be created and whether certain alternative assessments are included in the contract, according to the report.

Vendors will have until mid-September to submit proposals for VDOE’s evaluation and selection process, which will follow the commonwealth’s required procurement procedures. The selected vendor and system must be operational for the 2027-28 school year.

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, which took effect July 1, requires employers to include a good-faith wage or salary range in public and internal job postings for openings, promotions, transfers and other employment opportunities.

It also bars employers from asking applicants about their salary history or using prior pay when making hiring and compensation decisions. Employers may also not retaliate against applicants or employees who decline to provide their salary history or ask how much a position pays.

Gov. Abigail Spanberger said the ban on salary-history questions could prove just as significant as requiring pay ranges because it prevents a candidate’s previous salary from becoming the starting point for negotiations.

“Where it becomes impactful is that if I apply for a job with a certain salary range, and my salary history is $40,000, it is not legal anymore to ask what I made,” Spanberger told The Mercury in an interview earlier this month.

An applicant could instead base a salary request on the employer’s posted range without having to explain or defend what a previous employer paid, she said.

The law, sponsored as  by state Sen. Jennifer Boysko, D-Fairfax, and  by Del. Michelle Maldonado, D-Manassas, places Virginia among a growing number of states requiring employers to disclose pay information in job postings.

Many multistate employers were already posting salary ranges in the commonwealth because they operate in states with similar requirements. Others have had to update job postings, compensation policies and interview practices since the law took effect.

“We’re still in the very new stages of this,” Spanberger said.

Defining a good-faith range

One question the new law leaves unanswered is how broad a salary range an employer may advertise. It requires employers to establish a range in “good faith,” allowing for differences based on experience, education, credentials and other qualifications.

Spanberger acknowledged an employer could post a broad range — for example, $35,000 to $95,000 — and still comply with the law, even if it gives applicants only a rough idea of what the employer expects to pay.

“It doesn’t necessarily serve the benefit, which is intended to provide a bit of clarity for a potential employee related to what the salary range would legitimately be,” Spanberger said.

“You can then walk in and say, ‘OK, the top end of the range is $95,000, I’m here asking for this job, I’m asking for $95,000,” she said. “They can always play games with the lower limit, but the upper limit is a piece of it that does matter.”

Julie Schweber, lead specialist in the Knowledge Center at the Virginia SHRM State Council, said many employers — particularly multistate companies — were already familiar with similar laws in other states.

“From my HR opinion, it’s not all that difficult to add a salary range on a job posting and to not ask applicants about their previous salary,” Schweber said. “It’s not a big stretch to comply with that.”

Because the law also applies to internal job postings, Schweber said employees may begin asking why similar positions carry different salary ranges or why a new hire could earn more than someone already on staff.

“A lot of organizations are asking, ‘How is this going to impact our current staff? Will they potentially get upset when they see other jobs may have a higher pay range than their job?’” she said.

That means employers may have to explain how they established posted salary ranges and why workers in similar positions may earn different amounts.

“What exactly are we looking at when we develop a pay range?” Schweber said. “It’s not so simple to just say, ‘Hey, this is our pay range.’ We also want to explain how we get to that.”

The Virginia Chamber of Commerce said employers have already been updating hiring practices, compensation policies and job postings while seeking additional guidance on compliance.

“The Chamber is focused on helping employers understand the new requirements, and as implementation continues, we will evaluate whether any legislative or regulatory changes are needed to provide additional clarity, reduce unintended consequences, and ensure Virginia remains a competitive place to do business,” said spokeswoman Hannah Emerson.

Outreach and enforcement

Spanberger said the administration’s initial focus is educating employers, particularly small businesses that may advertise a position only occasionally.

“We want to make sure that we’re getting information out and doing educational efforts before we really start aggressively holding people accountable on this front,” she said.

The administration plans to work with business associations and local chambers of commerce to explain the new requirements. The Virginia Department of Labor and Industry also  when the law took effect.

Spanberger said it’s still too soon to judge how consistently employers are complying.

“Some are already being compliant, because some know about it and have taken action quickly. But in terms of us sending out any sort of formal engagement to say, ‘You’re not being compliant, fix it,’ that is too early,” she said.

The law gives the office of attorney general authority to investigate violations and bring civil actions against employers. A first violation carries a penalty of up to $1,000, with subsequent violations subject to penalties of up to $5,000 each.

Prospective and current employees also may sue within one year of an alleged violation and seek actual damages or other legal and equitable relief.

“Attorney General (Jay) Jones was proud to support stronger protections for Virginia workers during the most recent General Assembly session,” spokeswoman Rae Pickett said. “This office will stand firmly with workers and ensure that �վ��������Ծ���’s pay transparency laws are fully enforced.”

Schweber encouraged employers to review the state’s guidance, train managers and evaluate their overall compensation policies rather than viewing the law as simply a requirement to add salary ranges to job postings.

Employees may ask why they fall at a certain point within a pay range or why another position pays more, she said. Those conversations could include factors beyond salary, such as health benefits, flexible work arrangements, professional development and or opportunities for advancement.

“It’s not a one-and-done type of communication,” Schweber said.

She said the law could also prompt employers to identify pay differences that developed over time without a clear compensation strategy and ensure salaries remain fair and competitive.

Lessons from other states

Virginia joins a total of 13 states, including California, Colorado, New York, which require pay transparency in job postings, though details vary. Washington, D.C. also has pay transparency standards.

Some of those laws only apply to employers above a certain size, while others also require companies to disclose benefits and other forms of compensation.

Research suggests the laws have significantly increased the amount of salary information available to job seekers.  by the National Bureau of Economic Research found that disclosure requirements increased the share of job postings containing pay information by about 30%.

The researchers also found wage increases ranging from 1.3% to 3.6% across three data sets, but no measurable effect on employment, pay differences among workers or the education and skill requirements employers listed.

Colorado began requiring compensation information in job postings in 2021 and has since established  for investigating complaints. New York’s statewide law  in 2023 and generally applies to employers with at least four workers, while �վ��������Ծ���’s new law has no minimum employee threshold.

But those laws have not eliminated job postings without salary information.  by the New York City Council found thousands of listings on Indeed and Google for Jobs that lacked pay ranges, which the council attributed in part to the way those platforms pull postings from other websites.

Among 100 employers the council reviewed directly, 87 included salary information in every posting, 12 complied in some but not all listings and one included no salary information. The review also found that some employers posted wide salary ranges, underscoring that requiring a range does not always provide applicants with a precise estimate of what a job will pay.

But advocates argue salary-history bans can help reduce long-standing wage gaps because workers who were underpaid in one job no longer have to carry that salary into negotiations for the next.

Schweber pointed to federal  showing women, on average, earn less than men and that wage disparities also persist among women of different racial and ethnic backgrounds.

“The theory behind these regulations is not to give companies more work to do,” she said. “But it’s so that job applicants and employees will have more information that will enable them to negotiate their compensation more fairly, and ideally close those pay gaps.”

She said that job seekers increasingly expect to disclose pay before they apply. Citing a, Schweber said 82% of U.S. workers were more likely to consider applying for a job if the salary range was listed.

���� of human resources professionals found that 60% of organizations were publishing salary ranges in job advertisements, up from 45% the previous year.

Schweber said many employers now see pay transparency as a recruiting and retention tool, even when the law does not require it.

“Companies are seeing the value of doing this as part of their recruitment and even retention strategy,” she said, “and it’s better for an organization when we are transparent with our job applicants and employees.”

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The lawsuit was filed in 2023 by abortion providers in Kansas, Montana and Virginia to challenge the restrictions as excessive, unwarranted and inconsistent with other legal requirements. A similar case in Hawaii was already decided in October, with a federal judge also finding that the restrictions were arbitrary.

In Virginia, U.S. District Court Judge Robert Ballou, an appointee of former President Joe Biden, said the FDA failed to conduct an appropriate review of the 2023 restrictions on mifepristone, which include rules that prescribing pharmacies and clinicians must be specially certified and prescribers and patients must sign a form acknowledging the medication’s risks.

“The 2023 REMS modification is unlawful and must be remanded to the FDA for review,” Ballou wrote, using the acronym for the FDA’s Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategies protocols.

Amy Hagstrom Miller, president and CEO of lead plaintiff Whole Woman’s Health Alliance, based in Virginia, said in a statement Friday that eliminating those three restrictions would help clinic staff focus on patient needs instead of “excessive paperwork.”

“I have worked in abortion care for over 30 years, and I can attest that these regulations serve no medical purpose, nor do they add value to our patients’ experience of abortion,” Hagstrom Miller said in the statement.

The FDA did not immediately respond to a request for comment from Stateline on Friday.

Ballou did not give a timeline for a review of the restrictions, but the FDA has said it is conducting a and has sought to dismiss cases related to mifepristone regulation until it completes that review. Trump administration officials told the Wall Street Journal in June that the review was expected to take about six months, meaning it would conclude after the national midterm elections.

Katie Keith, founding director of the Center for Health Policy and the Law at the Georgetown University Law Center, said the Virginia and Hawaii decisions mean the FDA has been ordered by two courts to reconsider its restrictions and more thoroughly explain why they are necessary.

“They’re going to have to look at everything these various courts are telling them to look at,” Keith said.

But the two rulings come at the same time the administration is receiving pressure from anti-abortion groups to further restrict access to mifepristone, even in states where abortion is legal.

The 2023 rules, which were decided under the Biden administration, also eased restrictions to allow mifepristone to be dispensed without an in-person provider for the first time. That helped expand national access to the medication, which is one of two drugs typically used to end a pregnancy before 10 weeks and to treat miscarriages, and allowed people who live in one of the 13 states with near-total abortion bans to continue to receive it by mail.

That expanded access prompted three other lawsuits from attorneys general in states with abortion bans that are still pending in federal courts. In Louisiana, the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals is considering whether to strike down the provision allowing telehealth prescriptions, and will hear oral arguments in the case in September.

The 5th Circuit initially granted an emergency request from Louisiana to block telehealth access to the medication, but after drug manufacturers appealed the decision to the U.S. Supreme Court, the justices reversed the circuit court ruling. That stay from the high court will remain in place as the case continues.

Two other cases with different implications for the future of mifepristone are ongoing. One is in Missouri, joined by attorneys general from Idaho and Kansas, where they have asked the court to return all of the restrictions to what they were in 2016. The other is in Texas, joined by Florida’s attorney general, asking the federal court to revoke the drug’s approval entirely.

Stateline reporter Kelcie Moseley-Morris can be reached at kmoseley@stateline.org.

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Pete Buttigieg says they may not need it.

The former U.S. transportation secretary and 2020 presidential candidate said Democrats can still make significant gains under �վ��������Ծ���’s existing map if they field competent candidates who keep their campaigns focused on affordability, healthcare and corruption in Washington.

“I think even with a nationwide picture where maps are distorted to the benefit of Republicans on average, we can still win,” Buttigieg said in an interview with The Mercury Wednesday. “We’ve done it before, without the benefit of fair maps, and I think we’re going to do it this year.”

Buttigieg has endorsed three Democrats competing in the Aug. 4 primary: Henrico County Commonwealth’s Attorney Shannon Taylor in the 1st congressional District, former U.S. Rep. Elaine Luria in the 2nd and former U.S. Rep. Tom Perriello in the 5th.

All three are seeking nominations to challenge Republican incumbents in November, contests Buttigieg called “vital” to Democrats’ efforts to regain control of the U.S. House.

“I think right now with everything that voters and their families are up against economically, there’s a very important opening, especially for candidates who are focused on integrity and service,” he said.

Virginia Democrats expected to enter the midterms with a designed to favor their party in 10 of the state’s 11 districts. Voters the redistricting amendment in April, but the Supreme Court of Virginia later , leaving the existing map in place.

Rather than dwell on the setback, Buttigieg said Democrats should focus on nominating strong candidates and keeping voters’ attention on the issues driving everyday life.

“We have to keep a relentless focus on the issues from high cost of living to runaway corruption in Washington — the issues that are really driving voters,” he said.

Taylor is one of seven candidates seeking to challenge U.S. Rep. Rob Wittman, R-Westmoreland, in the . The others are Elizabeth Dempsey Beggs, Salaam Bhatti, Tim Cywinski, Jason Knapp, Ericka Kopp and Mel Tull.

Taylor’s six opponents earlier this week for the Democratic Party of Virginia to publicly reaffirm its neutrality after the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee promotional content featuring Taylor during early voting.

“As a prosecutor, I’ve spent my career holding people accountable, and I’m ready to prosecute the case against a career politician who has gotten richer in office while voting to raise costs, gut healthcare, and give himself tax breaks,” Taylor said in response to Buttigieg’s endorsement, referring to Wittman.

In the Hampton-Roads based , Luria faces Dr. Nila Devanath, Bill Fleming and Patrick Mosolf for the Democratic nomination. The winner will challenge U.S. Rep. Jen Kiggans, R-Virginia Beach. Luria represented the district for two terms before losing to Kiggans in 2022.

“As a fellow Navy veteran, Pete knows the importance of putting others and their needs above your own,” Luria said in an email Wednesday. “I look forward to working for Virginia in Congress to bring down prices, expand access to health care, and put the needs of Hampton Roads first.”

Perriello is running against Suzanne Krzyzanowski and Rob Tracinski in the . The Democratic nominee will face either U.S. Rep. John McGuire, R-Goochland, or GOP challenger Melanie Lunero. McGuire is �վ��������Ծ���’s only Republican incumbent facing a primary challenger this year.

Asked why he backed Perriello, Buttigieg referred to his vote for the Affordable Care Act during his lone term in Congress. Perriello in 2010 after Republicans made abolishing the law a centerpiece of their campaign.

“He paid a heavy political price for helping to deliver the Affordable Care Act that so many people in Virginia and in America now rely on to afford health insurance,” Buttigieg said. “And so he has really shown, and not just said, that he will act to make life more affordable and easier to get by for Americans.”

Perriello said he was “fired up” to have Buttigieg’s support, citing their work to invest in rural communities and infrastructure. “We are not going to stop fighting until costs come down, wages go up, and the corrupt are held accountable,” he said.

Buttigieg argued that President Donald Trump’s record during his second term has created an opportunity for Democrats, but said the party still has to earn voters’ trust.

“The failures of the Trump administration represent an opening, not an answer,” he said. Voters who believed Trump’s promises to lower prices and keep the country out of war are “seeing that they’ve been lied to, and that creates a chance for us to get a hearing.”

He emphasized Democrats must make a clear case for what they should do differently on issues such as healthcare, affordability and public safety.

Buttigieg also criticized Republican efforts to change election laws, including the pending .

“I’m very concerned that the White House and congressional Republicans seem to have given up on the idea that they’re going to win by convincing voters that they’re doing a good job,” he said. “And so instead they’re hoping to win by changing the maps and changing the rules.”

The former South Bend, Ind., mayor has spent recent weeks campaigning for Democrats in and , appearances that have fueled speculation about another in 2028.

“Right now, I’m very focused on the election that’s actually happening,” Buttigieg said. “That’s going to remain the focus through Election Day, and then we’ll see what the future brings.”

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